*-(32,2. 


THE 


INJUSTICE  and  IMPOLICY 


SLAVE  TRADE,' 


Slavery  of  the  Africans  : 


A SERMON 


for  the  Promotion  of  Freedom,  and  for. 
the  Relief  of  Persons  unlawfully  hol-. 

DEN  IN  BONDAGE, 

».  r.|  r-;  - ,--p  If  * Pi  |‘  I 4~  ■ » Cj  s A 4 fy.  * 

At  their  annual  Meetinc  in  Niw-Haven^' 
September  15,  1791. 


By  JONATHAN  EDWARDS,  D.  D„ 


of  the 


AND  OF  THE 


ILLUSTRATED  IN 


Preached  before  the  Connecticut  Society* 


Pastor  of  a Church  in  New-Haven* 


Printed  by  Thomas  and  Samuel  Green* 


M,  D C C,  X C I. 


4- 


I 


At  a meeting  of  the  Connecticut  Society 
for  the  Promotion  of  Freedom , and 
for  the  Relief  of  Perfons  unlawfully 
holden  in  Bondage , at  New-Haveny 
September  15,  1791, 

VOTED,  That  the  Prefident  re- 
turn the  Thanks  of  this  Society 
to  the  Rev.  Do&or  Edwards,  for  his 
Sermon  this  Day  delivered  before  the 
Society,  and  that  he  requeft  a Copy 
thereof,  that  it  may  be  printed. 

Teft.  Simeon  Baldwin,  Sec’y* 


— 


The  injuftice  and  impolicy  of  the  flave-r 
trade,  and  of  the  flavery  of  the  Afri- 
cans. 


MATTHEW  VII.  12. 

Therefore  all  things  whatsoever  you 

WOULD,  THAT  MEN  SHOULD  DO  TO  YOU,  DO 
YE  EVEN  SO  TO  THEM  ; FOR  THIS  IS  THE 
LAW  AND  THE  PROPHETS. 


THIS  precept  of  our  divine  Lord  hath  always. 

been  admired  as  molt  excellent  ; and  doubt- 
lefs  with  the  greateft  reafon.  Yet  it  needs  fome 
explanation.  It  is  not  furely  to.  be  underftood  in 
the  moil  unlimited  lenfe,  implying  that  becaufe  a, 
prince  expefts  and  wifhes  for  obedience  from  his 
lubjefts,  he  is  obliged  to  obey  them  : that  becaufe 
parents  wifh  their  children  to  fubmit  to  their  go- 
vernment, therefore  they  are  to  fubmit  to  the  go- 
vernment of  their  children  : or  that  becaufe  fome 
men  wifh  that  others  would  concur  and  aflift  them 
to  the  gratification  of  their  unlawful  delires,  there- 
fore they  alfo  are  to  gratify  the  unlawful  defires  of 
others.  But  whatever  we  are  confcious,  that  v/e 
fhould,  in  an  exchange  of  circumftances,  wifh,  and 
are  periiiaded  that  we  might  reafonably  wilh,  that 
others  would  do  to  us  •,  that  we  are  bound  to  do  to 
them.  This  is  the  general  rule  given  us  in  the 

text ; 

. - v, v 


i 4 > 

text ; and  a very  extenfive  rule  it  is,  reaching  to 
the  whole  of  our  conduct : and  is  particularly  ufeful 
to  dired!  our.  conduct  toward  inferiours,  and  thole 
•whom  we  have  in  our  power.  I have  therefore 
thought  it  a proper  foundation  for.  the  difcourfe 
■which  by  the  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Freedom , 
and  for  the  Relief  of  Perfons  unlawfully  holden  in. 
Bondage , I have  the  honour  to  be  appointed  to  de- 
liver, on  the  prefent  occafion. 

This  divine  maxim  is  molt  properly  applicable 
to  the  flave-trade,  and  to  the  flavery  of  the  Afri- 
cans. Let  us  then  make  the  application. 

Should  we  be  willing,  that  th^  Africans  or  any 
pther  nation  Ihould  pu.rchafe  us,  our  wives  and 
children,  tranlport  us  into  Africa  and  there  fell  us 
5nto  perpetual  and  abfolute  flavery  ? Should  we  be 
willing,  that  they  by  large  bribes  and  offers  of  a 
gainful  traffic  Ihould  entice  our  neighbours  to  kid  • 
nap  and  fell  us  to  them,  and  that  they  Ihould  hold 
in  perpetual  and  cruel  bondage,  not  only  ourfelves, 
hut  our  pofterity  through  ail  generations  ? Yet  why 
is  it  not  as  right  for  them  to  treat  us  in  this  man- 
ner, as  it  is  for  us  to  treat  them,  in  the  fame  man- 
ner ? Their  colour  indeed  is  different  from  our’s. 
Tut  does  this  give  us  a.  right  to  enflave  them  ?.  The 
nations  from  Germany  to  Guinea  have  com- 
plexions of  every  (hade  from  the  faireft  white,  to  a 
jetty  "black  : and  if  a black  complexion  fubjed!  a 
nation  or  an  individual  to  flavery  ; where  fhall  fla- 
very begin  ? or  where  fhall  it  end  ? 

I propofe  to  .mention  a few  reafons  again!!  the. 
right  of  th.e  flave-trade — and  then  to  conflder  the 
principal  arguments,  which  I have  ever  heard  urg- 
ed in  favour  of  it. — -What  will  be  faid  again!!  the 
flave-trade  will  generally  be  equally  applicable  to 
flavery  itfelf ; and  if  conciuflve  again!!  the  former, 
will  be  equally  conduflve  again!!  the  latter. 

' , * ' As 


( 5 ) 

As  to  the  flave-trade,  I conceive  it  to  be  unjuft 
in  itfelf — abominable  on  account  of  the  cruel  man- 
ner in  which  it  is  conduced — and  totally  wrong  on 
account  of  the  impolicy  of  it,  or  its  deftruftive  ten- 
dency to  the  moral  and  political  interefts  of  any 
Country. 

I.  It  is  unjuft  in  itfelf.— It  is  unjuft  in  the  fame 
fenfe,  and  for  the  fame  reafon,  as  it  is,  to  fteal,  to 
fob,  or  to  murder.  It  is  a principle,  the  truth  of 
which  hath  in  th,is  country  been  generally,  if  not 
vniverfally  acknowledged,  ever  fince  the  commence- 
ment of  the  late  war,  that  all  men  are  horn  equally 
free.  If  this  be  true,  the  Africans  are  by  nature 
equally  entitled  to  freedom  as  we  are  ; and  therefore 
\ve  have  no  more  right  to  enflave,  or  to  afford  aid  to 
enflave  them,  than  they  have  to  do  the  fame  to  us. 
They  have  the  fame  right  to  their  freedom,  which 
they  have  to  their  property  or  to,  their  lives.  There- 
fore to  enflave  them  is  as  really  and  in  the  fame 
fenfe  wrong,  as  to  fteal  from  them,  to,  rob  or  to. 
murder  them. 

There  are  indeed  cafes  in  which  men  may  juft- 
ly  be  deprived  of  their  liberty  and  reduced  to 
flavery  ; as  there  are  cafes  in  which  they  may  be 
juftly  deprived  of  their  lives.  But  they  can  juftly 
be  deprived  of  neither,  unlefs  they  have  by  their 
own  voluntary  conduct  forfeited  it.  Therefore  ftill 
the  right  to  liberty  ftands  on  the  fame  bafts  with 
the  right  to  life.  And  that  the  Africans  have  done 
fomething  whereby  they  have  forfeited  their  liberty 
muft  appear,  before  we  can  juftly  deprive  them  of 
it  ; as  it  muft  appear,  that  they  have  done  fome- 
fhing  whereby  they  have  forfeited  their  lives,  be- 
fore we  may  iuftly  deprive  them  of  thefe. 

II.  The  flave-trade  is  wicked  and  abominable 
qn  account  of  the  cruel  manner  in  which  it  is  car- 
ried on. 

I * * • 1 ' • 


Befide 


( <i  ) 

Bdide  the  dealing  or  kidnapping  of  men,  wo- 
men and  children,  in  the  firft  inftance,  and  the  in- 
itiation of  others  to  this  abominable  practice  j the 
inhuman  manner  in  which  they  are  tranfported  to 
America,  and  in  which  they  are  treated  on  their 
paflfage  and  in  their  fubfequent  flavery,  is  fuch  as 
ought  forever  to  deter  every  man  from  acting  any 
part  in  this  bufmefs,  who  has  any  regard  to  juftice 
or  humanity.  They  are  crowded  fo  clofely  into 
the  holds  and  between  the  decks  of  veflels,  that 
they  have  fcarcely  room  to  lie  down,  and  fometimes 
not  room  to  fit  up  in  an  erett  pofture ; the  men  at 
the  fame  time  fattened  together  with  irons  by  two 
and  two  ; and  all  this  in  the  moft  fultry  climate. 
The  confequence  of  the  whole  is,  that  the  moft  dan- 
gerous arid  fatal  difeafes  are  foon  bred  among  them, 
whereby  vaft  numbers  of  thofe  exported  from  Afri- 
ca perifti  in  the  voyage  : others  in  dread  of  that 
flavery  which  is  before  them,  and  in  diftrefs  and 
defpair  from  the  lofs  of  their  parents,  their  children, 
their  hufbands,  their  wives,  all  their  dear  connec- 
tions, and  their  dear  native  country  itfelf,  ftarve 
themfelves  to  death  or  plunge  themfelves  into  the 
ocean.  Thofe  who  attempt  in  the  former  of  thofe 
ways  to  efcape  from  their  perfecutors,  are  tortured, 
by  live  coals  applied  to  their  mouths.  Thofe  who 
attempt  an  efcape  in  the  latter  and  fail,  are  equally 
tortured  by  the  moft  cruel  beating,  or  otherwife  as 
their  perfecutors  pleafe.  If  any  of  them  make  an 
attempt,  as  they  fometimes  do,  to  recover  their  li- 
berty, fome,  and  as  the  circumftances  may  be,  ma- 
ny, are  put  to  immediate  death.  Others  beaten, 
bruifed,  cut  and  mangled  in  a moft  inhuman  and 
Blocking  manner,  are  in  this  fituation  exhibited  to 
the  reft,  to  terrify  them  from  the  like  attempt  in 
future : and  fome  are  delivered  up  to  every  fpecies 
of  torment,  whether  by  the  application  of  the  whip, 

or 


( l ) 

Or  of  any  other  inflrument,  even  of  fire  itfclf,  as  tine 
ingenuity  of  the  Ihip-mafter  and  cf  his  crew  is  able 
to  fuggeft  or  their  fituation  will  admit  •>  and  theie 
torments  are  purpofely  continued  for  feveral  days, 
before  death  is  permitted  to  afford  relief  to  thefe 
objects  of  vengeance. 

By  thefe  means,  according  to  the  common  com- 
putation, twenty-five  thoufand,  which  is  a fourth 
part  of  thofe  who  are  exported  from  Africa,  and  by 
the  conceffion  of  all,  twenty  thoufand,  annually  per- 
ifh,  before  they  arrive  at  the  places  of  their  defti- 
nation  in  America. 

But  this  is  by  no  means  the  end  of  the  fufferings 
cf  this  unhappy  people.  Bred  up  in  a country  fpon- 
taneoufiy  yielding  the  neceflaries  and  conveniences 
of  favage  life,  they  have  never  been  accuftomed  to 
labour  : of  courfe  they  are  but  ill  prepared  to  go 
through  the  fatigue  and  drudgery  to  which  they  are 
doomed  in  their  ftate  of  flavery.  Therefore  partly 
by  this  caufe,  partly  by  the  fcantine.fs  and  badnefs 
of  their  food,  and  partly  from  .deje&ion  of  fpirits, 
mortification  and  defpair,  another  twenty-five  thou- 
fand die  in  the  feafoning,  as  it  is  called,  i.  e.  with- 
in two  years  of  their  arrival  in  America » This 
I fay  is  the  common  computatiom  Or  if  we  will 
in  this  particular  be  as  favourable  to  the  trade  as  in 
the  eftimate  of  the  number  which  perifhes  on  the 
paflage,  we  may  reckon  the  number  which  dies  in 
the  feafoning  to  be  twenty  thoufand.  So  that  of 
the  hundred  thoufand  annually  exported  from  Af- 
rica to  America,  fifty  thoufand,  as  it  is  commonly 
computed,  or  on  the  moft  favourable  eftimate,  forty 
thoufand,  die  before  they  are  feafoned  to  the  coun- 
ty* . ..  . 

Nor  is  this  all.  The  cruel  fufferings  of  thefe  ph 
tiable  beings  are  not  yet  at  an  end.  Thencefor- 
ward 


C 8 ) 

watd  they  have  to  drag  out  a miferable  life  in  abfo- 
lute  flavery,  entirely  at  the  difpofal  of  their  maftersj 
by  whom  not  only  every  venial  fault,  every  mere 
inadvertence  or  miftake,  but  even  real  virtues,  are 
liable  to  be  conflrued  into  the  moft  atrocious  crimes, 
and  punifhed  as  fuch,  according  to  their  caprice  or 
rage,  while  they  are  intoxicated  fometimes  with  li- 
quor, fometimes  with  pafiion. 

By  thefe  mafters  they  are  fupplied  with  barely 
enough  to  keep  them  from  ftarving,  as  the  whole 
expence  laid  out  on  a Dave  for  food,  clothing  and 
medicine  is  commonly  computed  on  an  average  at 
thirty  fhillings  fterling  annually.  At  the  fame  time 
they  are  kept  at  hard  labour  from  five  o’clock  in 
the  morning,  till  nine  at  night,  excepting  time  to 
eat  twice  during  the  day*  And  they  are  conftant- 
ly  under  the  watchful  eye  of  overfeers  and  Negro- 
drivers  more  tyrannical  and  cruel  than  even  their 
mafters  themfelves.  From  thefe  drivers  for  every 
imagined,  as  well  as  real  neglett  or  want  of  exerti- 
on, they  receive  the  Jafh,  the  fmack  of  which  is  all 
day  long  in  the  ears  of  thofe  who  are  on  the  plant- 
ation or  in  the  vicinity  ; and  it  is  ufed  with  fuch  dex- 
terity and  feverity,  as  not  only  to  lacerate  the  Ikm* 
but  to  tear  out  fmall  portions  of  the  flefh  at  almoft 
every  flroke. 

This  is  the  general  treatment  of  the  Daves.  But 
many  individuals  fuffer  kill  more  feverely.  Many, 
many  are  knocked  down  ; fome  have  their  eyes 
beaten  out  ; fome  have  an  arm  or  a leg  broken,  or 
chopt  off  and  many  for  a very  fmall  or  for  no 
crime  at  all,  have  been  beaten  to  death  merely  to 
gratify  the  fury  of  an  enraged  maker  or  overfeer. 

Nor  ought  we  on  this  occafion  to  overlook  the 
wars  among  the  nations  of  Africa  excited  by  the 
trade,  or  the  dekru&ion  attendant  on  thofe  wars. 
Not  to  mention  the  dekru&ion  of  property,  the 

burning 


C $ ) 

burning  of  towns  and  villages,  &c.  it  Hath  been  de- 
termined by  realonable  computation,  that  there  are 
annually  exported  from  Africa  to  the  various  parts 
of  America,  one  hundred  thoufand  Haves,  as  was 
before  obferved  ; that  of  thefe  fix  thoufand  are  cap- 
tives of  war  j that  in  the  wars  in  which  thefe  are 
taken,  ten  perfons  of  the  vidtors  and  vanquifhed  are 
killed,  to  one  taken  ; that  therefore  the  taking  of 
the  fix  thoufand  captives  is  attended  with  the  daugh- 
ter of  fixty  thoiifand  of  their  countrymen..  Now 
does  not  jiiftice  ? does  not  humanity  fhririk  from 
the  idea,  that  in  order  to  procure  one  Have  to  grat- 
ify our  avarice*  we  ftiould  put  to  death  ten  human 
beings  ? Or  that  in  order  to  increafe  our  property, 
and  that  only  in  fome  fmall  degree,  we  fhould  carry 
On  a trade,  .or  even  connive  at  it,  to  fupport  which 
fixty  thoufand  of  our  own  fpecies  are  flain  in  war  ? 

Thefe  fixty  thoufand,  added  to  the  forty  thou- 
fand  who  perifh  on  the  paflage  and  in  the  feafon- 
ing,  give  us  an  hundred  thoufand  who  are  annually 
deftroyed  by  the  trade  ; and  the  whole  advantage 
gained  by  this  amazing  deflruflion  of  human  lives 
is  fixty  thoufand  flaves.  For  you  will  recollect, 
that  the  whole  number  exported  from  Africa  is  an 
hundred  thoufand ) that  of  thefe  forty  thoufand  die 
bn  the  paffage  and  in  the  feafoning,  and  fixty  thou- 
fand are  deftroyed  in  the  wars.  Therefore  while 
one  hundred  and  fixty  thoufand  are  killed  in  the 
wars  and  ate  exported  from  Africa,  but  fixty  thou- 
fand are  added  to  the  ftock  of  Haves. 

Now  when  we  confider  all  this  ■,  when  we  conli- 
der  the  miferies  which  this  unhappy  people  fuffer 
in  their  wars,  in  their  captivity,  in  their  voyage  to 
America,  and  during  a wretched  life  of  cruel  sla- 
very : and  efp'ecially  when  we  confider  the  annual 
deftrudtion  of  an  hundred  thoufand  lives  in  the 
manner  before  mentioned  * who  can  hefitate  to  de- 
B dare 


( xo  ) 

clarc  this  trade  and  the  confequent  fiavery  to  be 
contrary  to  every  principle  ofjuftice  and  humanity, 
of  the  law  of  nature  and  of  the  law  of  God  ? 

III.  This  trade  and  this  flavery  are  utterly  wrong 
on  the  ground  of  impolicy.  In  a variety  of  refpedts 
they  are  exceedingly  hurtful  to  the  ftate  which  to- 
lerates them. 

i.  They  ar.e  hurtful,  as  they  deprave  the  morals 
of  the  people. — The  inceffant  and  inhuman  cruel- 
ties pradtifed  in  the  trade  and  in  the  fubfequent  (la- 
very  neceflarily  tend  to  harden  the  human  heart  a- 
gainft  the  tender  feelings  of  humanity  in  the  maflers 
of  veflels,  in  the  failors,  in  the  fadtors,  in  the  proprietors 
of  the  (laves,  in  their  children,  in  the  overfeers,  in  the 
(laves  themfelves,  and  in  all  who  habitually  fee  thofe 
cruelties.  Now  the  eradication  or  even  the  dimi- 
nution of  companion,  tendernefs  and  humanity,  is 
certainly  a great  depravation  of  heart,  and  muft  be 
followed  with  correfpondent  depravity  of  manners. 
And  meafures  which  lead  to  fuch  depravity  of  heart 
and  manners,  cannot  but  be  extremely  hurtful  to 
the  ftate,  and  confequently  are  extremely  impolitic. 

i.  The  trade  is  impolitic  as  it  is  fo  deftrudtive 
of  the  lives  of  feamen.  The  ingenious  Mr.  Clark- 
fon  hath  in  a very  fatisfadlory  manner  made  it  ap- 
pear, that  in  the  (lave-trade  alone  Great-Britain 
lofes  annually  about  nineteen  hundred  feamen;  and 
that  this  lofs  is  more  than  double  to  the  lofs  annu- 
ally fuftained  by  Great-Britain  in  all  her  other  trade 
taken  together.  And  doubtlefs  we  lofe  as  many  as 
Great-Britain  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  fea- 
men whom  we  employ  in  this  trade. — Now  can  it 
be  politic  to  carry  on  a trade  which  is  fo  deftrudtive 
of  that  ufeful  part  of  our  citizens,  our  feamen  ? 

3.  African  flavery  is  exceedingly  impolitic,  as  it 
difeourages  induftry.  Nothing  is  more  eflential  to 
the  political  profperityof  any  ftate,  than  induftry  in 

the 


( II.  ) 

the  citizens.  But  in  proportion  as  flaves  are  mul- 
tiplied, every  kind  of  labour  becomes  ignominious : 
and  in  fa<5t  in  thofe  of  the  United  States,  in  which 
Haves  are  the  mod  numerous,  gentlemen  and  ladies 
of  any  fafliion  difdain  to  employ  themfelv.es  in  bu- 
finefs,  which  in  other  Hates  is  confident  with  the 
dignity  of  the  fird  families  and  fird  offices.  In  a 
country  filled  with  Negro  flaves,  labour  belongs  to 
them  only,  and  a white  man  is  defpifed  in  propor- 
tion as  he  applies  to  it. — Now  how  dedru&ive  to 
indudry  in  all  of  the  lowed  and  middle  clafs  of  ci- 
tizens, fuch  a fituation  and  the  prevalence  of  fuch 
ideas  will  be,  you  can  eafily  conceive.  The  con- 
fequence  is,  that  fome  will  nearly  darve,  others  will 
betake  themfelves  to  the  mod  difhoned  practices, 
to  obtain  the  means  of  living. 

As  flavery  produces  indolence  in  the  white  peo- 
ple, fo  it  produces  all  thofe  vices  which  are  natu- 
rally connected  with  it  ; fuch  as  intemperance, 
lewdnefs  and  prodigality.  Thefe  vices  enfeeble 
both  the  body  and  the  mind,  and  unfit  men  for 
any  vigorous  exertions  and  employments  either  ex- 
ternal or  mental.  And  thofe  who  are  unfit  for  fuch 
exertions,  are  already  a very  degenerate  race  de- 
generate, not  only  in  a moral,  but  a natural  lenfe. 
They  are  contemptible  toov  and  will  foon  be  de- 
fpifed even  by  their  Negroes  themfelves. 

Slavery  tends  to  lewdnefs  not  only  as  it  produces 
indolence,  but  as  it  affords  abundant  opportunity 
for  that  w'ickednefs  without  either  the  danger  and 
difficulty  of  an  attack  on  the  virtue  of  a woman  of 
chadity,  or  the  danger  of  a connection  with  one  of 
ill  fame.  A planter  with  his  hundred  wenches  a- 
bout  him  is  in  lome  refpeCbs  at  lead  like  the  Sul- 
tan in  his  feraglio,  and  we  learn  the  too  frequent 
influence  and  effeCt  of  fuch  a fituation,  not  only 
from  common  fame,  but  from  the  multitude-  of 

mur 


C ) 

mulattoes  in  countries  where  flaves  are  very  nu- 
merous. 

Slavery  has  a mod  direCt  tendency  to  haughti- 
nefs  alfo,  and  a domineering  fpirit  and  conduCt  in 
the  proprietors  of  the  flaves,  in  their  children,  and 
in  all  who  have  the  control  of  them.  A man  who 
has  been  bred  up  in  domineering  over  Negroes,  can 
Scarcely  avoid  contracting  fuch  a habit  of  haughti- 
nefs  and  domination,  as  will  exprefs  itfelf  in  his 
general  treatment  of  mankind,  whether  in  his  pri- 
vate capacity,  or  in  any  office  civil  or  military  with 
which  he  may  be  veiled.  Defpotifm  in  economics 
naturally  leads  to  defpotifm  in  politics,  and  domeftic 
flavery  in  a free  government  is  a perfect  folecifm  in 
human,  affairs. 

How  baneful  all  thefe  tendencies  and  effects  of 
flavery  mult  be  to  the  public  good,  and  efpecially 
to  the  public  good  of  fuch  a free  country  as  our’s, 
I need  not  inform  you. 

4..  In  the  fame  proportion  is  induftry  and  labour 
are  difcouraged,  is  population  difcouraged  and  pre- 
vented. This  is  another  refpeCb  in  which  flavery 
is  exceedingly  impolitic.  That  population  is  pre- 
vented in  proportion  as  induftry  is  difcouraged,  is, 
I conceive,  fo  plain  that  nothing  needs  to  be  faid 
to  illuftrate  it.  Mankind  in  general  will  enter  into 
■matrimony  as  loon  as  they  poflefs  the  means  of 
fuppprting  a family.  But  the  great  body  of  any 
people  have  no  other  way  of  fupporting  them- 
ielves  or  a family,  than  by  their  own  labour.  Of 
courfe  as  labour  is  difcouraged,  matrimony  is  dif- 
couraged and  population  is  prevented. — But  the 
impolicy  of  whatever  produces  thefe  effedls  will  be 
acknowledged  by  all.  The  wealth,  ftrength  and 
glory  of  a ftate  depend  on  the  number  of  its  virtu- 
ous citizens  : and  a ftate  without  citizens  is  at  leaft 
as  great  an  abfurdity,  as  a king  without  fubjeCls. 

5.  The 


( *3  ) 

5.  The  impolicy  of  flavery  ftill  further  appears 
from  this,  that  it  weakens  the  ftate,  and  in  propor- 
tion to  the  degree  in  which  it  exifts,  expofes  it  to 
become  an  eafy  conqueft. — The  increafe  of  free  ci- 
tizens is  an  increafe  of  the  ftrength  of  the  ftate.  But 
pot  fo  with  regard  to  the  increafe  of  flaves.  They 
not  only  add  nothing  to  the  ftrength  of  the  ftate, 
but  actually  diminilh  it  in  proportion  to  their  num- 
ber. Every  flave  is  naturally  an  enemy  to  the  ftaje 
in  which  he  is  holden  in  flavery , and  wants  nothing 
but  an  opportunity  to  afiift  in  its  overthrow.  And 
an  enemy  within  a ftate,  is  much  more  dangerous 
than  one  without  it, 

Thefe  obfervations  concerning  the  prevention  of 
population  and  weakening  the  ftate,  are  fupported 
by  fads  which  have  fallen  within  our  own  obferva- 
tion.  That  the  fouthern  ftates,  in  which  flaves  are 
fo  numerous,  are  in  no  meafure  fo  populous,  ac- 
cording to  the  extent  of  territory,  as  the  northern,  is 
a fad  of  univerfal  notoriety  : and  that  during  the 
late  war,  the  fouthern  ftates  found  themfelves  greatly 
weakened  by  their  flaves,  and  therefore  were  fo  eafi- 
ly  overrun  by  the  Britifh  army,  is  equally  noto- 
rious. 

From  the  view  we  have  now  taken  of  this  fub- 
jed  we  fcruple  not  to  infer,  that  to  carry  on  the 
flave-trade  and  to  introduce  flaves  into  our  coun- 
try, is  not  only  to  be  guilty  of  injuftice,  robbery 
and  cruelty  toward  our  fellow-men  j but  it  is  to 
injure  ourfelves  and  our  country ; and  therefore  it 
is  altogether  unjuftifiable,  wicked  and  abominable. 

Having  thus  conftdered  the  injuftice  and  ruinous 
tendency  of  the  flave-trade,  I proceed  to  attend  to 
the  principal  arguments  urged  in  favour  of  it. 

i.  It  is  faid,  that  the  Africans  are  the  pofterity 
of  Ham,  the  fon  of  Noah  ; that  Canaan  one  of 
Ham’s  fens,  was  curfed  by  Noah  to  be  a fervant 

of 


( 14  ) 

of  fer’vants  ; that  by  Canaan  we  are  to  underftand 
Ham’s  pofterity  in  general  ; that  as  his  pofterity 
are  devoted  by  God  to  fiavery,  we  have  a right  to 
enflave  them. — This  is  the  argument  : to  which  I 
anfwer  : 

It  is  indeed  generally  thought  that  Ham  peopled 
Africa  ; but  that  the  curfe  on  Canaan  extended  to 
all  the  pofterity  of  Ham  is  a mere  imagination. 
The  only  reafon  given  for  it  is,  that  Canaan  was 
only  one  of  Ham’s  Tons  ; and  that  it  feems  reafon- 
able,  that  the  curfe  of  Ham’s  conduft  fhould  fall 
on  all  his  pofterity,  if  on  any.  But  this  argument 
is  infufncient.  We  might  as  clearly  argue,  that  the 
judgments  denounced  on  the  houfe  of  David,  on 
accpunt  of  his  fin  in  the  matter  of  Uriah,  muft  equal- 
ly fall  on  all  his  pofterity.  Yet  we  know,  that  many 
of  them  lived  and  died  in  great  profperity.  So  in 
every  cafe  in  which  judgments  are  predicted  con- 
cerning any  nation  or  family. 

It  is  allowed  in  this  argument,  that  the  curfe  was 
to  fall  on  the  pofterity  of  Ham,  and  not  immediate- 
ly on  Ham  himfelf ; If  otherwife,  it  is  nothing  to 
the  purpofe  of  the  flave- trade,  or  of  any  flaves  now 
in  existence.  It  being  allowed  then,  that  this  curfe 
was  to  fall  on  Ham’s  pofterity,  he  who  had  a right 
to  curfe  the  whole  of  that  pofterity,  had  the  fame 
right  to  curfe  a part  of  it  only,  and  the  pofterity  of 
Canaan  equally  as  any  other  part  ; and  a curfe  on 
Ham’s  pofterity  in  the  line  of  Canaan  was  as  real  a 
curfe  on  Ham  himfelf,  as  curfe  on  all  his  pofteri- 
ty would  have  been. 

Therefore  we  have  no  ground  to  believe,  that 
this  curfe  refpe&ed  any  others,  than  the  pofterity  o( 
Canaan,  who  lived  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  which  is 
well  known  to  be  remote  from  Africa.  We  have 
a particular  account,  that  all  the  fons  of  Canaaq 
fettled  in  the  hnd  of  Canaan  ; as  may  be  feen  in 

Gen. 


( i5  ) 

Gen.  x.  15 20.  “ And  Canaan  begat  Sidon  his 

“ firft  born,  and  Heth,  and  the  Jebufite,  and  the 
<c  Emorite,  and  the  Girgafite,  and  the  Hivite,  and 
“ the  Arkite,  and  the  Sinite,  and  the  Arvadite, 

<f  and  the  Zemorite,  and  the  Hamathite  ; and  a f- 
“ tcrward  were  the  families  of  the  Canaanites  Ipread 
a abroad.  And  the  border  of  the  Canaanites  was 
“ from  Sidon,  as  thou  goeft  to  Gerar,  unto  Gaza  ; 

as  thou  goeft  unto  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  Ad- 
“ mah,  and  Zeboim,  even  unto  Lafhah.” — Nor 
have  we  account  that  any  of  their  pofterity  except 
the  Carthaginians  afterward  removed  to  any  part 
of  Africa  : and  none  will  pretend  that  thefe 
peopled  Africa  in  general  ; efpecialiy  confidering, 
that  they  were  fubdued,  deftroyed  and  fo  far  extir- 
pated by  the  Romans. 

This  curfe  then  of  the  pofterity  of  Canaan,  had  • 
no  reference  to  the  inhabitants  of  Guinea,  or  of  Af- 
rica in  general  ; but  was  fulfilled  partly  in  Jofhua’s 
time,  in  the  reduction  and  fervitude  of  the  Canaan- 
ites, and  efpecialiy  of  the  Gibeonites  ; partly  by 
what  the  Phenicians  fuffered  from  the  Chaldeans, 
Perfians  and  Greeks;  and  finally  by  what  the  Car- 
thaginians fuffered  from  the  Romans. 

Therefore  this  curfe  gives  us  mo  right  to  enflave 
the  Africans,  as  we  do  by  the  fiave-trade,  becaufe 
it  has  no  refpedt  to  the  Africans  whom  we  enfiave. 
Nor  if  it  had  refpetfted  them,  would  it  have  given 
any  fuch  right  ; becaufe  it  was  not  an  inftitution  of 
flavery,  but  a mere  prophecy  of  it.  And  from  this 
prophecy  we  have  no  more  ground  to  infer  the  right 
of  flavery,  than  we  have  from  the  prophecy  of  the 
deftrufftion  of  Jerufalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  or  by 
the  Romans,  to  infer  their  right  refpedtivcly  to  de- 
ftroy  it  in  the  manner  they  did  ; or  from  other  pro- 
phecies to  infertile  right  of  Judas  to  betray  his 
mafter,  or  of  the  Jews  to  crucify  him. 


2.  The 


C *6  ) 

i.  The  right  of  flavery  is  inferred  from  the  iti- 
ftance  of  Abraham,  who  had  fervants  born  in  his 
houfe  and  bought  with  his  money. — But  it  is  by  nd 
means  certain,  that  th'efe  were  flaves,  as  our  Ne- 
groes are.  If  they  were,  it  is  unaccountable,  that 
he  went  out  at  the.  head  of  an  army  of  them  to  fight 
his  enemies.  No  Weft-India  planter  would  eafily 
be  induced  to  venture  himfelf  in  fuch  a fituation. 
It  is  far  more  probable,  that  fimilar  to  fome  of  the 
vaflals  under  the  feudal  conftitution,  the  fervants  of 
Abraham  were  only  in  a good  meafure  dependant 
on  him,  and  prote&ed  by  him.  But  if  they 
were  to  all  intents  and  purpofes  flaves,  Abraham’s, 
holding  of  them  will  no  more  prove  the  right  of 
flavery,  than  his  going  in  to  Hagar,  will  prove  it 
right  for  any  man  to  cohabit  with  his  wench. 

3.  From  the  divine  permiflion  given  the  Iiraelites 
fo  buy  fervants  of  the  nations  round  about  them,  it 
is  argued,  that  we  have  a right  to  buy  the  Africans 
and  hold  them  in  flavery.  See  Lev.  xxv.  44 — 47. 
tc  Both  thy  bondmen  and  thy  bondmaids,  which 
tf  thou  fhalt  have,  fhall  be  of  the  heathen  that  are 
“ round  about  you  ; of  them  fhall  ye  buy  bond- 
“ men  and  bondmaids.  Moreover,  of  the  child- 
“ ren  of  the  ftrangers  that  do  fojourn  among  you^ 
tc  of  them  fhall  ye  buy,  and  of  their  families,  that 
,e  are  with  you,  which  they  begat  in  yOur  land  j 
“ and  they  fhall  be  your  pofiefiion.  And  ye  fhall 
“ take  them  as  an  inheritance  for  your  children  af- 
“ ter  you,  to  inherit  them  for  a pofleflion  ; they 
“ fhall  be  your  bondmen  for  ever  : but  over  your 
“ brethren  the  children  of  Ifrael  ye  fhall  not  rule 
“ one  over  another  with  rigour.”  But  if  this  be  at 
all  to  the  purpofe,  it  i9  a permiflion  to  every  nation 
under  heaven  to  buy  (laves  of  the  nations  round  a- 
bout  them  ; to  us,  to  buy  of  our  Indian  neigh- 
bours •,  to  them,  to  buy  of  us  to  the  French,  ttf 


( i7  ) 

buy  of  the  Englifh,  and  to  the  Englifh  to  buy  ef 
the  French  ; and  fo  through  the  world.  If  then 
this  argument  be  valid,  every  man  has  an  entire 
right  to  engage  in  this  trade,  and  to  buy  and  fell 
any  other  man  of  another  nation,  and  any  other  man 
of  another  nation  has  an  entire  right  to  buy  and 
fell  him.  Thus  according  to  this  conftru&ion, 
we  have  in  Lev.  xxv.  43,  &c.  an  inftitution  of  an 
univerfal  flave-trade,  by  which  every  man  may  not 
only  become  a merchant,  but  may  rightfully  be- 
come the  merchandize  itfelf  of  this  trade,  and  may 
be  bought  and  fold  like  a beaft, — Now  this  confe- 
quence  will  be  given  up  as  abfurd,  and  therefore 
alfo  the  conftruCtion  of  fcripture  from  which  it  fol- 
. lows,  muft  be  given  up.  Yet  it  is  prelumed,  that 
there  is  no  avoiding  that  conftrudtion  or  the  abfurd- 
ity  flowing  from  it,  but  by  admitting,  that  this  per- 
miflion  to  the  Ifraelites  to  buy  flaves  has  no  refpeCt 
to  us,  but  was  in  the  fame  manner  peculiar  to  them, 
as  the  permiflion  and  command  to  fubdue,  deftroy 
and  extirpate  the  whole  Canaanitifh  nation  ; and 
therefore  no  more  gives  countenance  to  African 
flavery,  than  the  command  to  extirpate  the  Cana- 
anites,  gives  countenance  to  the  extirpation  of  any 
nation  in  thefe  days,  by  an  univerfal  daughter  of 
men  and  women,  young  men  and  maidens,  infants 
and  fucklings. 

4.-  It  is  further  pleaded,  that  there  were  flaves  in 
the  time  of  the  apoftles  ; that  they  did  not  forbid 
the  holding  of  thofe  flaves,  but  gave  directions  to 
fervants,  doubtlefs  referring  to  the  fervants  of  that 
day,  to  obey  their  m afters,  and  count  them  worthy  of 
all  honour. 

To  this  the  anfwer  is,  that  the  apoflles  teach  the 
general  duties  of  fervants  who  are  rignteoufly  in 
the  flare  of  fervitude,  as  many  are  or  may  be,  by 
hire,  by  indenture,  and  by  judgment  of  a civil  court. 

C But 


X 18  ) 

But  they  do  not  fay,  whether  the  fervants  in  general 
of  that  day  .were  juftly  holden  in  flavery  or  not. 
In  like  manner  they  lay  down  the  general  rules  of 
obedience  to  civil  magiftrates,  without  deciding 
concerning  the  chara&ers  of  the  magiftrates  of  the 
Roman  empire  in  the  reign  of  Nero.  And  as  the 
apoftle  Paul  requires  mafters  to  give  their  fervants 
that  which  is  juft  and  equal , (Col.  iv.  i.)  fo  if  any 
were  enflaved  unjuftly,  of  courfe  he  in  this  text  re- 
quires of  the  mafters  of  fuch,  to  give  them  their 
freedom. — Thus  the  apoftles  treat  the  flavery  of 
that  day  in  the  fame  manner  that  they  treat  the  civil 
government  ; and  fay  nothing  more  in  favour  of 
the  former,  than  they  fay  in  favour  of  the  latter. 

Befides,  this  argument  from  the  flavery  prevail- 
ing in  the  days  of  the  apoftles,  if  it  prove  any  thing, 
proves  too  much,  and  fo  confutes  itfelf.  It  proves, 
that  we  may  enflave  all  captives  taken  in  war,  of 
any  nation,  and  in  any  thdmoft  unjuft  war,  fuch  as 
the  wars  of  the  Romans,  which  were  generally  un- 
dertaken from  the  motives  of  ambition  or  avarice. 
On  the  ground  of  this  argument  we  had  a right  to 
enflave  the  prifoners,  whom  we,  during  the  late 
war,  took  from  the  Britifli  army  ; and  they  had  the 
' fame  right  to  enflave  thofe  whom  they  took  from 
us  and  fo  with  refpedt  to  all  other  nations. 

5.  It  is  flrongly  urged,  that  the  Negroes  brought 
from  Africa  are  all  captives  of  war,  and  therefore 
are  juftly  bought  and  holden  in  flavery. — This  is  a 
principal  argument  always  urged  by  the  advocates 
for  flavery;  and  in  a folemn  debate  on  this  fubjeft, 
it  hath  been  ftrongly  infifted  on,  very  lately  in  the 
Britifh  parliament.  Therefore  it  requires  our  par- 
ticular attention. 

Captives  in  a war  juft  on  theic-  part,  cannot  be 
juftly  enflaved  ; nor  is  this  pretended.  Therefore 
the  captives  who  may  be  juftly  enflaved,  muft  be 

taken 


( *9  ) 

taken  in  a war  unjuft  on  their  part.  But  oven-  op 
the  fuppofition,  that  captives  in  fuch  a war  may  be 
juftly  enftaved,  it  will  not  follow,  that  we  can  juft> 
ly  carry  on  the  flave-trade,  as  it  is.  commonly  car- 
ried on  from  the  African,  coaft.  In  this  trade  any 
flaves  are  purchaied,  who  are  offered  for  fale,  whe- 
ther juftly  or  unjuftly  enftaved.  No  enquiry  is 
made  whether  they  were  captives  in  any  war  ; much 
lefs,  whether  they  were  captivated  in  a war  unjuft 
on  their  part. 

By  the  moft  authentic  accounts,  it  appears,  that 
the  wars  in  general  in  Africa  are  excited  by  the 
profpe<5l  of  gain  from,  the  fale  of  the  captives  of  the 
war.  Therefore  thofe  taken  by  the  affailants  ip 
fuch  wars,,  cannot  be  juftly  enftaved.  Befide  thefe, 
many  are  kidnapped  by  thofe  of  neighbouring  na- 
tions ; fome  by  their  own-  neighbours  ; and  fome 
by  their  kings  or  his.  agents  others  for  debt  or 
fome  trifling  crime  are  condemned  to  perpetual 
flavery — But  none  of  thefe  are  juftly  enftaved.  And 
the  traders  make  no  enquiry  concerning  the  mode 
or  occafion  of  their  firft  enflavement.  They  buy 
all  that  are  offered,  provided  they  like  them  and 
the  price. — So  that  the  plea,  that  the  African  flaves 
are  captives  in  war,  is  entirely  infufficient  to  juftify 
the  flave-trade  as  now.  carried  on. 

But  this  is  not  all  j if  it  were  ever  fo  true,  that 
all  the  Negroes  exported  from  Africawere  captives 
in  war,  and  that  they  -vyere  taken  in  a war  unjuft  on 
their  part  ; ftiil  they  could  not  be  juftly  enftaved. 
— We  have  no  right  to  enflave  a private  foe  in  a 
ftate  of  nature,  after  he  is  conquered.  Suppofe  in 
a ftate  of  nature  one  man  rifes  againft  another  and 
endeavours  to  kill  him  ; in  this  cafe  the  perfon  af- 
faulted  has  no  right  to  kill  the  affailant,  unlefs  it  be 
neceffary  to  preferve  his  own  life.  But  in  wars  be- 
tween nations,  one  nation  may  no  doubt  fecure  it- 

fdc 


C *9  ) 

felf  againft  another,  by  other  means  than  the  flave- 
ry  of  its  captives.  If  a nation  be  victorious  in  the 
war,  it  may  exaCt  fome  towns  or  a diftriCt  of  coun- 
try, by  way  of  caution  ; or  it  may  impofe  a fine 
to  deter  from  future  injuries.  If  the  nation  be  not 
victorious,  it  will  do  no  good  to  enflave  the  captives 
whom  it  has  taken.  It  will  provoke  the  victors, 
and  foolifhly  excite  vengeance  which  cannot  be  re- 
pelled. 

Or  if  neither  nation  be  decidedly  victorious,  to 
enflave  the  captives  on  either  fide  can  anfwer  no 
good  purpofe,  but  mull  at  leaft  occafiOn  the  enflav- 
ing  of  the  citizens  of  the  other  nation,  who  are  now, 
or  in  future  may  be  in  a flate  of  captivity.  Such  a 
practice  therefore  necefiarily  tends  to  evil  and  not 
good. 

Befides  ; captives  in  war  are  generally  common 
foldiers  or  common  citizens ; and  they  are  general- 
ly ignorant  of  the  true  caufe  or  caufes  of  the  war, 
and  are  by  their  fuperiours  made  to  believe,  that 
the  war  is  entirely  juft  on  their  part.  Or  if  this  be 
rot  the  cafe,  they  may  bv  force  be  compelled  to 
ferve  in  a war  which  they  know  to  be  unjuft.  In 
either  of  thefe  cafes  they  do  not  deferve  to  be  con- 
demned to  perpetual  flavery.  To  infliCt  perpetual 
flavery  on  thefe  private  foldiers  and  citizens  is  man- 
ifeftly  not  to  do,  as  we  would  with  that  men  fliould 
do  to  us.  If  we- were  taken  in  a war  unjuft  on  our 
part,  we  fhould  not  think  it  right  to  be  condemned 
to  perpetual  flavery.  No  more  right  is  it  for  us  to 
condemn  and  hold  in  perpetual  flavery  others,  who 
are  in  the  fame  fituation. 

6.  It  is  argued,  that  as  the  Africans  in  their  own 
country,  previoufiy  to  the  purchafe  of  them  by  the 
African  traders,  are  captives  in  war  ; if  they  were 
not  bought  up  by  thofe  traders,  they  would  be  put 
to  death':  that  theiefore  to  purchafe  them  and  to 

fubjeCt 


( 21  ) 

fubjeft  them  to  flavery  inftead  of  death,  is  an  aft  of 
mercy  not  only  lawful,  but  meritorious. 

If  the  cafe  were  indeed  lb  as  is  now  repre-r 
fented,  the  purchale  of  the  Negroes  would  be  no 
more  meritorious,  than  the  aft  of  a man,  who,  if 
we  were  taken  by  the  Algerines,  fhould  purchale  us 
out  of  that  flaveyy.  This  would  indeed  be  an  aft 
of  benevolence,  if  the  purchafer  Ihould  fet  us  at  li- 
berty. But  it  is  no  aft  of  benevolence  to  buy  a 
man  out  of  one  ftate  into  another  no  better.  Nay, 
the  aft  of  ranfoming  a man  from  death  gives  no 
right  to  the  ranfbmer  to  commit  a crime  or  an  aft 
of  injuftice  to  the  perfon  ranfomed.  The  perfon 
ranfomed  is  doubtlefs  obligated  according  to  his 
ability  to  fatisfy  the  ranlomer  for  his  expence  and 
trouble.  Yet  the  ranlomer  has  no  more  right  to 
enflave  the  other,  than  the  man  who  faves  the  life 
of  another  who  was  about  to  be  killed  by  a robber 
or  an  afiaflin,  has  a right  to  enflave  him. — The  li- 
berty of  a man  for  life  is  a far  greater  good,  than 
the  property  paid  for  a Negro  on  the  African  coaft. 
And  to  deprive  a man  of  an  immenfely  greater 
good,  in  order  to  recover  one  immenfely  lels,  is  an 
immenfe  injury  and  crime. 

7.  As  to  the  pretence,  that  to  prohibit  or  lay  a*- 
fide  this  trade,  would  be  hurtful  to  our  commerce  ; 
it  is  fufficient  to  alk,  whether  on  the  fuppofition, 
that  it  were  advantageous  to  the  commerce  of  Great- 
Britain  to  fend  her  (hips  to  thefe  Hates,  and  tranf- 
port  us  into  perpetual  flavery  in  the  Weft-Indies, 
it  would  be  right  that  fhe  fhould  go  intQ  that  trade. 

8.  That  to  prohibit  the  flave  trade  would  in- 
fringe on  the  property  of  thofe,  who  have  expended 
large  fums  to  carry  on  that  trade,  or  of  thofe  who 
wilh  to  purchale  the  flaves  for  their  plantations, 
hath  alfo  been  urged  as  an  argument  in  favour  of 
the  trade. — But  the  fame,  argument  would  prove. 


( 22  > . 

that  if  the  fkins  arid  teeth  of  the  Negroes  were  as 
valuable  articles  of  commerce  as  furs  and  elephant’s 
teeth,  and  a merchant  were  to  lay  out  his  property 
in  this  commerce,  he  ought  by  no  means  to  be  ob- 
flru&ed  therein. 

9.  But  others  will  carry  on  the  trade,  if  we  do 
not. — So.  others  will  rob.  Ideal  and  murder,  if  we 
do  not. 

10.  It  is  faid,  that  fome  men  are  intended  by  na- 
ture to  be  flaves. — If  this  mean,  that  the  author  of 
nature  has  given  fome  men  a licence,  to  enflave  o- 
thers  ; this  is  denied  and  proof  is  demanded.  If 
it  mean,  that  God  hath  made  fome  of  capacities  in- 
ferior to  others,  and  that  the  lad  have  a right  to  en- 
flave the  firft ; this  argument  will  prove,  that  fome 
of  the  citizens  of  every  country,  have  a right  to  en- 
flave other  citizens  of  the  fame  country  ; nay,  that 
fome  have  a right  to  enflave  their  own  brothers  and 
Aiders. — But  if  this  argument  mean,  that  God  in  his 
providence  differs  fome  men  to  be  enflaved,  and 
that  this  proves,  that  from  the  beginning  he  intend- 
ed they  fhould  be  enflaved,  and  made  them  with 
this  intention  ; the  anfwer  is,  that  in  like  manner 
he  differs  fome  men  to  be  murdered,  and  in  this 
fenfe,  he  intended  and  made  them  to  be  murdered. 
Yet  no  man  in  his  fenies  will  hence  argue  the  lav/- 
fulnefs  of  murder. 

11.  It  is  further  pretended,  that  no  other  men, 
than  Negroes,  can  endure  labour  in  the  hot  cli- 
mates of  the  Wed-Indies  and  the  fouthern  dates. — 
But  does  this  appear  to  be  fa£t  ? In  all  other  cli- 
mates, the  labouring  people  are  the  mod  healthy. 
And  I confefs  I have  not  yet  feen  evidence,  but 
that  thofe  who  have  been  accudamed  to  labour 
and  are  inured  to  thofe  climates,  can  bear  labour 
there  alfo. — However,  taking  for  granted  the  fact 
afferted  in  this  objection,  dees  it  follow,  that  the 

inhabitants 

*»  • 


( *3  ') 

inhabitants  of  thofe  countries  have  a right  to  enflavb 
the  Africans  to  labour  for  them  ? No  more  iurely 
than  from  the  circumftance,  that  you  are  feeble  and 
cannot  labour,  it  follows,  that  you  have  a right  to 
enflave  your  robuft  neighbour.  A3  in  all  other  ca- 
fes, the  feeble  and  thole  who  choole  not  to  labour* 
and  yet  wilh  to  have  their  lands  cultivated,  are  r.e- 
ceflitated  to  hire  the  robuft  to  labouf  for  them  ; fo 
no  reafon  can  be  given,  why  the  inhabitants  of  hot 
climates  fhould  not  either  perform  their  own  labour, 
or  hire  thofe  who  can  perform  it,  whether  Negroes 
or  others. 

If  our  traders  went  to  the  coaft  of  Africa  to  mur- 
der the  inhabitants,  or  to  rob  them  of  their  proper- 
ty, all  would  own  that  fuch  murderous  or  piratical 
practice's  are  wicked  and  abominable.  Now  it  is  as 
really  wicked  to  rob  a man  of  his  liberty,  as  to  rob 
him  of  his  life  * and  it  is  much  more  wicked,  than 
to  rob  him  of  his  property.  All  men  agree  to  con- 
demn highway  robbery.  And  the  Have-trade  is  as 
much  a greater  wickednefs  than  highway  robbery, 
as  liberty  is  more  valuable  than  property-  How 
ftrange  is  it  then,  that  in  the  fame  nation  highway 
robbery  fhould  be  punifhed  with  death,  and  the 
flave-trade  be  encouraged  by  national  authority. 

We  all  dread  political  flavery,  or  fubje&ion  to 
the  arbitrary  power  of  a king  or  of  any  man  or  men 
not  deriving  their  authority  from  the  people.  Yet 
fuch  a ftate  is  inconceivably  preferable  to  the  fiave- 
ry  of  the  Negroes-  Suppofe  that  in  the  late  war  we 
had  been  fubdued  by  Great- Britain}  we  fhould  have 
been  taxed  without  our  confent.  But  thefe  taxes 
would  have  amounted  to  but  a fmall  part  of  our 
property.  Whereas  the  Negroes  are  deprived  of 
all  their  property  } no  part  of  their  earnings  is  their 
own  } the  whole  is  their  m afters.- — In  a conquered 
ftate  we  fhould  have  been  at  liberty  to  difpofe  of  our- 

felves 


( H ) 


felves  and  of  our  property  in  moft  cafes,  as  wS 
fhould  choofe.  We  fhould  have  been  free  to  live  in 
this  or  that  town  or  place  in  any  part  of  the  country, 
or  to  remove  Out  of  the  country ; to  apply  to  this 
or  that  bufinefs ; to  labour  or  not ; and  excepting  a 
fufficiency  for  the  taxes,  to  difpofe  of  the  fruit  of 
our  labour  to  our  ov/n  benefit,  or  that  of  our  child- 
ren, or  of  any  other  perfon.  But  the  unhappy  Ne- 
groes in  flavery  can  do  none  of  thefe  things.  They 
muft  do  what  they  are  commanded  and  as  much  as 
they  are  commanded,  on  pain  of  the  lafh.  They 
muft  live  where  they  are  placed,  and  muft  confine 
themfelves  to  that  fpot,  on  pain  of  death. 

So  that  Great-Britain  in  her  late  attempt  to  en- 
flave  America,  committed  a very  fmall  crime  in- 
. deed  in  comparifon  with  the  crime  of  thofe  who  en- 
flave  the  Africans. 

The  arguments  which  have  been  urged  againft 
the  (lave-trade,  are  with  little  variation  applicable 
to  the  holding  of  flaves.  He  who  holds  a flave, 
continues  to  deprive  him  of  that  liberty,  which  was 
taken  from  him  on  the  coaft  of  Africa.  And  if  it 
were  v/rong  to  deprive  him  of  it  in  the  firft  iriftance, 
why  not  in  the  fecond  ? If  this  be  true,  no  man 
hath  a better  right  to  retain  his  Negro  in  flavery, 
than  he  had  to  take  him  from  his  native  African 
Ihores.  And  every  man  who  cannot  fhow,  that 
his  Negro  hath  by  his  voluntary  condutt  forfeit- 
ed his  liberty,  is  obligated  immediately  to  ma- 
numit him.  Undoubtedly  we  fhould  think  fo, 
were  we  holden  in  the  fame  flavery  in  which  the 
Negroes  are  : And  our  text  requires  us  to  do  to  o- 
thers,  as  we  would  that  they  fhould  do  to  us. 

To  hold  a flave,  who  has  a right  to  his  liberty,  is 
not  only  a real  crime,  but  a very  great  one.  Ma- 
ny good  chriftians  have  wondered  how  Abra- 
ham, the  father  of  the  faithful,  could  take  Hagar  to 

his 


i 


C 25  ) 

his  bed  ; afrd  how  Sarah,  celebrated  as  an  holy 
woman,  could  confent  to  this  tranfadtion  : Alio, 
how  David  and  Solomon  could  have  fo  many 
wives  and  concubines,  and  yet  be  real  faints.  Let 
fuch  inquire  how  it  is  poilible,  that  our  fathers  and 
men  now  alive,  univerfally  reputed  pious,  fhould 
hold  Negro  (laves,  and  yet  be  the  fubjedts  of  real 
pietv  ? And  whether  to  reduce  a man,  who  hath 
the  fame  right  to  liberty  as  any  other  man,  to  a (late 
of  abfolute  (lavery,  or  to  hold  him  in  that  (late,  be 
not  as  great  a crime  as  concubinage  or  fornication. 
I prefume  it  will  not  be  denied,  that  to  commit 
theft  or  robbery  every  day  of  a man’s  life,  is  as 
great  a fin  as  to  commit  fornication  in  one  inftance. 
But  to  fteal  a man  or  to  rob  him  of  his  liberty  is  a 
greater  fin*  than  to  fteal  his  property,  or  to  take  it 
by  violence.  And  to  hold  a man  in  a ftate  of  (lavery, 
who  has  a right  to  his  liberty,  is  to  be  every  day 
guilty  of  robbing  him  of  his  liberty,  or  of  man- 
ftealing.  The  confequence  is  inevitable,  that  other 
things  being  the  fame,  to  hold  a Negro  (lave,  un- 
lefs  he  have  forfeited  his  liberty,  is  a greater  fin  in 
the  fight  of  God,  than  concubinage  or  fornication. 

Does  this  conclufion  feem  ftrange  to  any  of  you  ? 
Let  me  entreat  you  to  weigh  it  candidly  before  you 
rejedt  it.  You  will  not  deny,  that  liberty  is  more 
valuable  than  property  ; and  that  it  is  a greater  fin 
to  deprive  a man  of  his  whole  liberty  during  life, 
than  to  deprive  him  of  his  whole  property ; or  that 
man-ftealing  is  a greater  crime  than  robbery.  Nor 
will  you  deny,  that  to  hold  in  (lavery  a man  who 
was  ftolen,  is  fubftantially  the  fame  crime  as  to  fteal 
him.  Thefe  principles  being  undeniable,  I leave 
it  to  yourfelves  to  draw  the  plain  and  neceffary  con- 
fequence. And  if  your  confciences  (hail,  in  fpite 
of  all  oppofition,  tell  you,  that  while  you  hold  your 
Negroes  in  (lavery,  you  do  wrong,  exceedingly 

D wrong  ■, 


< a6  ) 

■wrong  ; that  you  do  not,  as  you  would  that  men 
fhould  do  to  you  ; that  you  commit  fin  in  the  fight 
of  God  ; that  you  daily  violate  the  plain  rights  of 
mankind,  and  that  in  a higher  degree,  than  if  you 
committed  theft  or  robbery  ; let  me  befeech  you 
not  to  ftifle  this  convi&ion,  but  attend  to  it  and  adb 
accordingly  ; left  you  add  to  your  former  guilt, 
that  of  finning  againft  the  light  of  truth,  and  of 
your  own  confidences. 

To  convince  yourfelves,  that  your  information 
being  the  fame,  to  hold  a Negro  flave  is  a greater 
fin  than  fornication,  theft  or  robbery,  you  need  on- 
ly bring  the  matter  home  to  yourfelves.  I am  wil- 
ling to  appeal  to  your  own  confciences,  whether 
you  would  not  judge  it  to  be  a greater  fin  for  a 
man  to  hold  you  or  your  child  during  life  in  fuch 
fiavery,  as  that  of  the  Negroes,  than  for  him  to 
fpend  one  night  in  a brothel,  or  in  one  inftance  to 
fteal  or  rob.  Let  confcience  fpeak,  and  I will  fub- 
mit  to  it’s  decifion. 

This  queftion  feems  to  be  clearly  decided  by  re- 
velation. Exod.  xxi.  16.  <c  He  that  ftealeth  a man 
te  and  felleth  him,  or  if  he  be  found  in  his  hand, 
<f  he  fhall  furely  be  put  to  death.”  Thus  death  is, 
by  the  divine  exprefs  declaration,  the  punilhment 
due  to  the  crime  of  man-ftealing.  But  death  is  not 
the  punilhment  declared  by  God  to  be  due  to  for- 
nication, theft  or  robbery  in  common  cafes.  There- 
fore we  have  the  divine  authority  to  afiert,  that  man- 
ftealing  is  a greater  crime  than  fornication,  theft  or 
robbery.  Now  to  hold  in  fiavery  a man  who  has  a 
right  to  liberty,  is  fubftantially  the  fame  crime  as  to 
deprive  him  of  his  liberty.  And  to  deprive  of  li- 
berty and  reduce  to  fiavery,  a man  who  has  a right 
to  liberty,  is  man-ftealing.  For  it  is  immaterial 
whether  he  be  taken  and  reduced  to  fiavery  clan- 
deftinely  or  by  open  violence.  Therefore  if  the 
• Negroes 


( 27  ) 

Negroes  have  a right  to  liberty,  to  hold  thehn  in 
flavery  is  man-ftealing,  which  we  have  feen  is,  by 
God  himfelf,  declared  to  be  a greater  crime  than 
fornication,  theft  or  robbery. 

Perhaps,  though  this  truth  be  clearly  demon- 
flrable  both  from  reafon  and  revelation,  you  fcarce'- 
ly  dare  receive  it,  becaufe  it  feems  to  bear  hardly 
on  the  charafters  of  our  pious  fathers,  who  held 
flaves.  But  they  did  it  ignorantly  and  in  unbelief 
of  the  truth  ■,  as  Abraham,  Jacob,  David  and  So- 
lomon were  ignorant,  that  polygamy  or  concubin- 
age was  wrong.  As  to  domeftic  flavery  our  fathers 
lived  in  a time  of  ignorance  which  God  winked' at  ; 
but  now  he  commandeth  all  men  every  where  to  re- 
pent of  this  wickednefs,  and  to  break  off  this  fin  by 
righteoujnefs , and  this  iniquity  by  Jhewing  mercy  to  the 
poor,  if  it  may  be  a lengthening  out  of  their  tranquil- 
ity. You  therefore  to  whom  the  prefent  blaze  of 
light  as  to  this  fubjett  has  reached,  cannot  fin  at  fo 
cheap  a rate  as  our  fathers. 

But  methinks  I hear  fome  fay,  I have  bought  my 
Negro  ; I have  paid  a large  fum  for  him  ; I cannot 
lofc  this  fum,  and  therefore  I cannot  manumit  him. 
— Alas  ! This  is  hitting  the  nail  on  the  head.  This 
brings  into  view  the  true  caufe  which  makes  it  fo 
difficult  to  convince  men  of  what  is  right  in  this 
cafe. — You  recollect  the  ftory  of  Amaziah’s  hiring 
an  hundred  thoufand  men  of  Ifrael,  for  an  hund- 
red talents,  to  affift  him  againfl  the  Edomites  ; 
and  that  when  by  the  word  of  the  Lord,  he  was 
forbidden  to  take  thofe  hired  men  with  him  to  the 
war,  he  cried  out,  “ But  what  ffiall  we  do  for  the 
<c  hundred  talents,  which  I have  given  to  the  army 
‘c  of  Ifrael  ?”  In  this  cafe,  the  anfwer  of  God  was, 
“ The  Lord  is  able  to  give  thee  much  more  than 
tc  this.” — To  apply  this  to  the  fubjeft  before  us, 
God  is  able  to  give  thee  much  more  than  thou  fhalt 
lofe  by  manumitting  thy  Have,  You; 


( 28  ) 

You  may  plead,  that  you  ufe  your  (lave  well  j 
you  are  not  cruel  to  him,  hut  feed  and  clothe  him 
comfortably,  &c.  Still  every  day  you  rob  him  of  a 
moft  valuable  and  important  right.  And  a high- 
way man,  who  robs  a man  of  his  money  in  the  moft 
eafy  and  complaifant  manner,  is  ftill  a robber  j and 
murder  may  be  effedted  in  a manner  the  leaft  cruel 
and  tormenting  ; ftill  it  is  murder. 

Having  now  taken  that  view  of  our  fubjeft,  which 
was  propofed,  we  may  in  reflexion  fee  abundant 
reafon  to  acquiefce  in  the  inftitution  of  this  fociety. 
If  the  Have-trade  be  unjuft,  and  as  grols  a violation 
of  the  rights  of  mankind,  as  would  be,  if  the  Afri- 
cans ftiould  tranfport  us  into  perpetual  flavery  in 
Africa  to  unite  our  influence  againft  it,  is  a duty 
which  we  owe  to  mankind,  to  ourfelves  and  to  God 
too.  It  is  but  doing  as  we  would  that  men  ftiould 
do  to  us. — Nor  is  it  enough  that  we  have  formed 
the  fociety  ; we  muft  do  the  duties  of  it.  Thefirft 
of  thefe  is  to  put  an  end  to  the  flave-trade.  The 
iecond  is  to  relieve  thofe  who,  contrary  to  the  laws 
of  the  country,  are  holden  in  bondage.  Another  is 
to  defend  thofe  in  their  remaining  legal  and  natur- 
al rights,  who  are  by  law  holden  in  bondage.  An- 
other and  not  the  leaft  important  objedt  of  this  lo- 
ciety,  I conceive  to  be,  to  increafe  and  difperfe  the 
light  of  truth  with  refpedt  to  the  fubjedt  of  African 
flavery,  and  fo  prepare  the  way  for  its  total  aboli- 
tion. For  until  men  in  general  are  convinced  of 
the  injuftice  of  the  trade  and  of  the  flavery  itfelf, 
comparatively  little  can  be  done  to  effedt  the  moft 
important  purpofes  of  the  inftitution. 

It  is  not  to  be  doubted,  that  the  trade  is  even 
now  carried  on  from  this  ftate.  YefTels  are  from 
time  to  time  fitted  out  for  the  coaft  of  Africa,  to 
tranfport  the  Negroes  to  the  Weft-Indies  and  other 
parts.  Nor  will  an  end  be  put  to  this  trade,  with- 

. ' ' out 


( *9  ) 

out  vigilance  and  ftrenuous  exertion  on  the  part  of 
this  fociety,  or  other  friends  of  humanity,  nor  with- 
out a patient  enduring  of  the  oppofition  and  odium 
of  all  who  are  concerned  in  it,  of  their  friends  and 
of  all  who  are  of  the  opinion  that  it  is  juftifiable. 
Among  thefe  we  are  doubtlefs  to  reckon  lome  of 
large  property  and  confiderable  influence.  And  if 
the  laws  and  cuftoms  of  the  country  equally  allow- 
ed of  it,  many,  and  perhaps  as  many  as  now  plead 
for  the  right  of  the  African  flave- trade,  would  plead 
for  the  right  of  kidnapping  us,  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  of  felling  us  into  perpetual  flave- 
ry. — If  then  we  dare  not  incur  the  difpleafure  of 
fuch  men,  we  may  as  well  diflfolve  the  fociety,  and 
leave  the  flave-trade  to  be  carried  on,  and  the  Ne- 
groes to  be  kidnapped,  and  though  free  in  this 
Hate,  to  be  fold  into  perpetual  flavery  in  diftant 
parts,  at  the  pleafure  of  any  man,  who  willies  to 
make  gain  by  fuch  abominable  pradices. 

Though  we  muft  exped  oppofition,  yet  if  we  be 
Heady  and  perfevering,  we  need  not  fear,  that  we 
lhall  fail  of  fuccefs.  The  advantages,  which  the 
cauie  has  already  gained,  are  many  and  great. 
Thirty  years  ago  fcarcely  a man  in  this  country 
thought  either  the  flave-trade  or  the  flavery  of  Ne- 
groes to  be  wrong.  But  now  how  many  and  able 
advocates  in  private  life,  in  our  legiflatures,  in  Con- 
grefs,  have  appeared  and  have  openly  and  irrefra- 
gably  pleaded  the  rights  of  humanity  in  this  as  well 
as  other  inflances  ? Nay,  the  great  body  of  the  peo- 
ple from  New-Hampfhire  to  Virginia  inclufively, 
have  obtained  fuch  light,  that  in  all  thofe  ftates  the 
further  importation  of  (laves  is  prohibited  bv  law. 
And  in  Maflachuletts  and  New-Hampfhire,  flave- 
ry is  totally  abolifhed. 

Nor  is  the  light  concerning  this  fubjed  confined 
to  America.  It  hath  appeared  with  great  dearnefs 


( 1°  ) 

'in  France;  and  produced  remarkable  effects  in  the 
National  Aflembly.  It  hath  alfo  fhone  in  bright 
beams  in  Great-Britain.  It  fiafhes  with  fplendor 
in  the  writings  of  Clarkfon  and  in  the  proceedings 
of  feveral  focieties  formed  to  abolifh  the  (lave-trade. 
Nor  hath  it  been  poflible  to  fhut  it  out  of  the  Brit- 
ifh  parliament.  This  light  is  ftill  increafing,  and  in 
time  will  effedt  a total  revolution.  And  if  we  judge 
of  the  future  by  the  paft,  within  fifty  years  from 
this  time,  it  will  be  as  fhameful  for  a man  to  hold 
■a  Negro  Have,  as  to  be  guilty  of  common  robbery 
or  theft.  But  it  is  our  duty  to  remove  the  obfta- 
cles  which  intercept  the  rays  of  this  light,  that  it 
may  reach  not  only  public  bodies,  but  every  indi- 
vidual. And  when  it  fhall  have  obtained  a gene- 
ral fpread,  fhall  have  difpelled  all  darknefs,  and 
flavery  fhall  be  no  more  j it  will  be  an  honour  to 
be  recorded  in  hiftory,  as  a fociety  which  was  form- 
ed, and  which  exerted  itfelf  with  vigour  and  fideli-  \ 
ty,  to  bring  about  an  event  fo  necefiary  and  condu- 
cive to  the  interefts  of  humanity  and  virtue,  to  the 
fupport  of  the  rights  and  to  the  advancement  of 
the  happinefs  of  mankind. 


appendix;. 


APPENDIX. 


ess 


QOME  obje&ions  to  the  dottrine  of  the  preced- 
Q ing  fermon,  have  been  mentioned  to  the  author, 
fince  the  delivery  of  it.  Of  thefe  it  may  be  proper 
to  take  fome  notice. 

i.  The  flaVes  are  in  a better  fituation  than  that 
in  which  they  were  in  their  own  country  ; efpecial- 
ly  as  they  have  opportunity  to  know  the  Chriftian 
religion  and  to  fecure  the  faving  bleflings  of  it. 
Therefore  it  is  not  an  injury,  but  a benefit  to  bring 
them  into  this  country,  even  though  their  importa- 
tion be  accompanied  and  followed  with  flavery.  It 
is  alfo  faid,  that  the  fituation  of  many  Negroes  un- 
der their  matters  is  much  better,  than  it  would  be, 
were  they  free  in  this  country ; that  they  are  much 
better  fed  and  clothed,  and  are  much  more  happy; 
that  therefore  to  hold  them  in  flavery  is  fo  far  from 
a crime,  that  it  is  a meritorious  a£t. 

With  regard  to  thefe  pleas,  it  is  to  be  obferved, 
that  every  man  hath  a right  to  judge  concerning 
his  own  happinefs,  and  to  choofe  the  means  of  ob- 
taining or  promoting  it ; and  to  deprive  him  of  this 
right  is  the  very  injury  of  which  we  complain  ; it  is 
ro  enflave  him.  Becaufe  we  judge,  that  the  Ne- 
groes are  more  happy  in  this  country,  in  a ftate  of 
flavery,  than  in  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  in  Africa, 
we  have  no  more  right  to  enflave  them  and  bring 
them  into  this  country,  than  we  have  to  enflave  any 
of  our  neighbours,  who  we  judge  would  be  more 
happy  under  our  control,  than  they  are  at  prefent 
under  their  own.  Let  us  make  the  cafe  our  own. 
Should  we  believe,  that  we-were  juftly  treated,  if 
the  Africans  fhould  carry  us  into  perpetual  flavery 

in 


( 3*  ) 

ih  Africa,  on  the  ground  that  they  judged,  that  wii 
Ihould  be  more  happy  in  that  ftate,  than  in  our  pre- 
fect fituation  ? 

As  to  the  opportunity  which  the  Negroes  in  this 
country  are  faid  to  have,  to  become  acquainted  with 
Chriftianity  ; this  withrefpedt  to  many  is  granted  s 
But  what  follows  from  it  ? It  would  be  ridiculous 
to  pretend,  that  this  is  the  motive  on  which  they 
adt  who  import  them,  or  they  who  buy  and  hold 
them  in  flavery.  Or  if  this  were  the  motive,-  it 
would  not  fandtify  either  the  trade  or  the  flavery. 
We  are  not  at  liberty  to  do  evil,  that  good  may 
come  ■,  to  commit  a crime  more  aggravated  than 
theft  or  robbery,  that  we  may  make  a profelyte  to 
Chriftianity.  Neither  our  Lord  jefus  Chrift,  not 
any  one  of  his  apoftles  has  taught  us  this  mode  of 
propagating  the  faith. 

2.  It  is  faid,  that  the  dodtrine  of  the  preceding 
fermon  imputes  that  as  a crime  to  individuals,  which 
is  owing  to  the  ftate  of  fociety.  This  is  granted  ; 
and  what  follows  ? It  is  owing  to  the  ftate  of  foci- 
ety, that  our  neighbours,  the  Indians  roaft  their 
captives  : and  does  it  hence  follow,  that  fuch  con- 
dudt  is  not  to  be  imputed  to  the  individual  agents 
as  a crime  ? It  is  owing  to  the  ftate  of  fociety  in 
Popilh  countries,  that  thoufands  worlhip  the  beaft 
and  his  image  : and  is  that  worlhip  therefore  not 
to  be  imputed  as  a crime  to  thofe,  who  render  it  ? 
Read  the  Revelation  of  St.  John.  The  ftate  of  fo- 
ciety is  fuch,  that  drunkennefs  and  adultery  are  ve- 
ry common  in  fome  countries  ; but  will  it  follow, 
that  thofe  vices  are  innocent  in  thofe  countries  ? 

3.  If  I be  ever  fo  willing  to  manumit  my  Have, 
I cannot  do  it  without  being  holden  to  maintain 
him,  when  he  fhall  be  fick  or  fhall  be  old  and  de- 
crepit. Therefore  I have  a right  to  hold  him  as  a 
Have. — The  fame  argument  will  prove,  that  you 

have 


( 33  ) 

have  a right  to  enflave  your  children  or  your  pa- 
rents ; as  you  are  equally  holden  to  maintain  them 
in  ficknefs  and  in  decrepit  old  age. — The  argument 
implies,  that  in  order  to  Tecure  the  money,  which 
you  are  afraid  the  laws  of  your  country  will  fomc 
time  or  other  oblige  you  to  pay  ; it  is  right  for  you 
to  rob  a free  maa  of  his  liberty  or  be  guilty  of  man- 
dealing. On  the  ground  of  this  argument  every 
town  or  parifh  obligated  by  law,  to  maintain  its 
helplefs  poor,  has  a right  to  fell  into  perpetual  fiave- 
ry  all  the  people,  who  may  probably  or  even  pofli- 
bly  occafion  a public  expence. 

4.  After  all,  it  is  not  fafe  to  manumit  the  Ne- 
groes : they  would  cut  our  throats ; they  would  en- 
danger the  peace  and  government  of  the  Hate.  Qr 
at  lead;  they  would  be  fo  idle,  that  they  would  not 
provide  themfelves  with  necedaries  : of  courfe  they 
mud:  live  by  thievery  and  plundering. 

This  objedlion  requires  a different  anfwer,  as  it 
refpedts  the  northern,  and  as  it  refpedts  the  iouth- 
ern  flares.  As  it  refpedts  the  northern,  in  which 
Oaves  are  fo  few,  there  is,  not  the  lead:  foundation 
to  imagine,  that  they  would  combine  or  make  in- 
furredtion  againfl  the  government  ; or  that  they 
would  attempt  to  murder  their  mailers.  They  are 
much  more  likely  to  kill  their  mailers,  in  order  to 
obtain  their  liberty,  or  to  revenge  die  abufe  they 
receive,  while  it  is  llill'  continued,  than  to  do  it  af- 
ter the  abule  hath  ceafed,  and  they, are  redored  to. 
their  liberty.  In  this  cafe,  they  w.ould  from  a.  fenfe 
.of  gratitude,  or  at  leail  from  a conyidtion  of  the 
•jufhee  of  their  mailers,  feel  a ltrong  attachment,., 
in,  he  ad  of  a murderous  difpofition. 

Nor  is.  there  the  lead  danger,  but  that  by  a pro- 
per vigilance  of  the  feledl-men,  and  by*  a liridt  ex- 
ecution of  the  laws  sow  exiding,  the  Negroes  might, 
in  a tolerable  degree  be  kept  from  idlenefs  and  pil- 
fering, ' E.  Aik 


( 34  ) 

All  this  hath  been  verified  by  experiment.  In 
Maflachufetts,  all  the  Negroes  in  the  common- 
wealth were  by  their  new  conftitution  liberated  in  a 
day  : and  none  of  the  ill  confequences  objefted  fol- 
lowed either  to  the  commonwealth  or  to  individuals. 

With  regard  to  the  fouthern  ftates,  the  cafe  is 
different.  The  Negroes  in  fome  parts  of  thofe 
Hates  are  a great  majority  of  the  whole,  and  there- 
fore the  evils  objected  would,  in  cafe  of  a general 
manumiffion  at  once,  be  more  likely  to  take  place. 
But  in  the  firft  place  there  is  no  profpedt,  that  the 
conviftion  of  the  truth  exhibited  in  the  preceding 
difcourfe,  will  at  once,  take  place  in  the  minds  of 
all  the  holders  of  flaves.  The  utmoft  that  can  be 
expected,  is  that  it  will  take  place  gradually  in  one 
after  another,  and  that  of  co'urfe  the  flaves  will  be 
gradually  manumitted.  Therefore  the  evils  of  a 
general  manumiffion  at  once,  are  dreaded  without 
reafon. 

If  in  any  ftate  the  flaves  fhould  be  manumitted  in 
conflderable  numbers  at  once,  or  fo  that  the  num- 
ber of  free  Negroes  ihouM  become  large  ; various 
meafures  might  be  concerted  to  prevent  the  evils 
feared.  One  I beg  leave  to  propofe  : That  over- 
feers  of  the  free  Negroes  be  appointed  from  among 
themfelves,  who  fftall  be  empowered  to  infped:  the 
morals  and  management  of  the  reft,  and  report  to 
proper  authority,  thofe  who  are  vicious,  idle  or  in- 
capable of  managing  their  own  affairs,  and-thatfuch 
authority  difbofe  of  them  under  proper  matters  for 
a year  or  other  term,  as  is  done,  perhaps  in  all  the 
ftates,  with  regard  to  the  poor  white  people  in  like 
manner  vicious,  idle  or  incapable  of  management. 
Such  black  averieers  would  naturally  be  ambitious 
to  difcharge  the  duties  of  their  office  ; they  would 
in  many  refpe&s  have  much  more  influence  than 
white  men  with  their  country  men  : and  other  Ne- 
groes 


( 35  ) 

groes  looking  forward  to  the  fame  honourable  dilh 
tinflion,  would  endeavour  to  deferve  it  by  their 
improvement  and  good  condufl. 

But  after  all,  this  whole  objection,  if  it  were  ever 
fo  entirely  founded  on  truth  j if  the  freed  Negroes 
would  probably  rife  againft  their  mailers,  or  com- 
bine againft  government  j rells  on  the  fame  ground,, 
as  the  apology  of  the  robber,  who  murders  the  man 
whom  he  has  robbed.  Says  the  robber  to  himfelf, 
I have  robbed  this  man,  and  now  if  I let  him  go  he 
will  kill  me,  or  he  will  complain  to  authority  and  I 
lhall  be  apprehended  and  hung.  I mull  therefore 
kill  him.  There  is  no  other  way  of  fafety  for  me. 
— The  coincidence  between  this  reafoning  and  that 
of  the  objection  under  confideration,  mull  be  mani- 
feft  to  all.  And  if  this  reafoning  of  the  robber  be 
inconclusive  ; if  the  robber  have  no  right  on  that 
ground  to  kill  the  man  whom  he  hath  robbed  ; 
neither  have  the  flave-holders  any  more  right  to 
continue  to  hold  their  Haves.  If  the  robber  ought 
to  fpare  the  life  of  the  man  robbed,  take  his  owp 
chance  and  elleem  himfelf  happy,  if  he  can  efcape 
jultice  ; fo  the  flave-holders  ought  immediately  to., 
let  their  Haves  go  free,  treat  them  with  the  utmoll 
kindnefs,  by  fuch  treatment  endeavour  to  pacify 
them  with  refpeft  to  palt  injuries,  and  elleem  them- 
felves  happy,  if  they  can  compromile  the  matter  in 
this  manner. 

In  all  countries  in  which  the  Haves  are  a majority 
of  the  inhabitants,  the  mailers  lie  in  a great  meafure 
at  the  mercy  of  the  Haves,  and  may  moH  rationally 
expefl  fooner  or  later,  to.  be  cut  off,  or  driven  out 
by  the  Haves,  or  to  be  reduced  to  the  fame  level 
and  to  be  mingled  with  them  into  one  common 
mufs.  This  I think  is  by  antient  and  modern  e- 
vents  demonflrated  to  be  the.  natural  and  neceflary 
courfe  of  human,  affairs.  The  hewers  of  wood  and 

drawers 


( 36  ) 

drawers  or  water  among  the  Ifraelites,  the  Helots 
among  the  Lacedemonians,  the  (laves  among  the 
Romans,  the  villains  and  vaffials  in  moftof  the  king- 
doms of  Europe  under  the  feudal  fyftem,  have  long 
fince  mixed  with  the  common  mafs  of  the  people, 
and  (hared  the  common  privileges  and  honours  6f 
their  refpeftive  countries.  And  in  the  French  Weft- 
Indies  the  Mulattoes  and  free  Negroes  are  already 
become  jb  numerous  and  powerful  a body,  as  to  be 
allowed  by  the  National  Aftembly  to  enjoy  the 
common  rights  and  honours  of  free  men.  Thefe 
fadls  plainly  (how,  what  the  whites  in  the  Weft- 
Indies  and  the  Southern  States  are  to  expect  con- 
cerning their  pofterity,  that  it  will  infallibly  be  a 
mungrel  breed,  or  el(e  they  muft  quit  the  country 
to  the  Negroes  whom  they  have  hitherto  holden  in 
bondage. 

Thus  it  feems,  that  they  will  be  neceffitated  by 
Providence  to  make  in  one  way  or  another  com- 
penfation  to  the  Negroes  for  the  injury  which  they 
have  done  them.  In  the  firft  cafe,  by  taking  them 
into  affinity  with  themfelves,  giving  them  the.r 
own  fons  and  daughters  in  marriage,  and  making 
them  and  their  pofterity  the  heirs  of  all  their  pro- 
perty and  all  their  honours,  and  by  raifing  their  co- 
lour to  a partial  whitenefs,  whereby  a part  at  lead 
of  that  mark  which  brings  on  them  lo  much  con- 
tempt, will  be  wiped  off.  In  the  other  call-,  by 
leaving  to  them  all  their  real  eftates.  It  is  niani- 
feft  by  the  bare  dating  of  the  two  cafes,  that  the 
compen fation  in  the  latter,  cafe  is  by  much  the  lead. 
In  the  former  cafe,  the  compilation  will  include 
all  that  is  included  in  the  latter  and  much  more. 
If  therefore  our  fouthern  brethren  and.  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  Weft-Indies  would  balance  their  ac- 
counts with  their  Negro  (laves,  at  the  c heaped  pof- 
fible  rate,  they  will  doubtlefs,  judge  it  prudent,  to 


( 37  ) 

leave  the  country  with  all  their  houfes,  lands  and. 
improvements  to  their  quiet  pofieflion  and  domini- 
on j as  otherwife  Providence  will  compel  them  to 
much  dearer  fettlement,  and  one  attended  with  a 
circumftance  inconceivably  more  mortifying,  than 
the  lofs  of  all  their  real  eftates,  I mean  the  mix- 
ture of  their  blood  with  that  of  the  Negroes  into 
one  common  pofterity. 

At  lead  it  is  to  be  hoped,  that  thefe  confiderati- 
ons  will  induce  them  to  forbear  any  further  import- 
ation of  (laves,  as  the  more  numerous  the  (laves 
are,  the  more  dangerous  they  will  be,  and  the  more 
deeply  tinged  will  be  the  colour  of  their  mulatto 
pofterity. 

It  is  not  to  be  doubted,  but  that  the  Negroes  in 
thefe  northern  dates  alfo  will,  in  time,  mix  with 
the  common  mafs  of  the  people.  But  we  have  this 
confolation,  that  as  they  are  fo  fmall  a proportion 
of  the  inhabitants,  when  mixed  with  the  reft,  they 
will  not  produce  any  very  fen fible  diver fity  of  co- 
lour. 


THE  END. 


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